CONTENTS

Letter to Chief Justice Rehnquist
Text of 29 November 1963 Hoover FBI Memo
Text of 22 November 1963 Kitchel FBI Memo
Related Correspondence
Timeline

LETTER TO CHIEF JUSTICE REHNQUIST

Stephen M. St. John
Post Office Box 449
New York, NY 10185
212 534 5024
917 519 2905
metatron.metatron@verizon.net

(The contact information above is no longer in use.)

Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist
Supreme Court of the United States
1 First Street, N. E.
Washington, DC 20543

31 January 2005

Dear Chief Justice Rehnquist,

I write to you as a concerned citizen of the United States who is a Federal employee under oath to protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.   I am asking you to focus on a very grave matter fraught with serious implications touching on the conduct of former President George Herbert Walker Bush.  Primary documentary evidence, as set forth below and in attachments to this letter, shows that George H. W. Bush was in Dallas, Texas on the day of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy and that on the next day he served as a conduit of disinformation so as to promote a misleading public perception of the person accused of the crime, Lee Harvey Oswald.

My doubts about former President Bush emanate from careful consideration of two memos of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, one written by the Director John Edgar Hoover and dated 29 November 1963, and the other by Special Agent Graham W. Kitchel and dated 22 November 1963, the very day of the JFK assassination.  (I became aware of the Hoover memo in 1990 and obtained a copy of it directly from FBI Headquarters in Washington, DC on a visit there in June of 1991.  This Hoover memo was published the same year in Mark Lane's Plausible Denial and a year later in Robert Morrow's Firsthand Knowledge.  I became aware of the Kitchel memo in 2003 and that same year obtained a copy of it by mail from the National Archives.  The Kitchel memo is not as well known to researchers as the Hoover memo and as far as I know it has never been published.)

As I will explain below, the Hoover and Kitchel memos help interpret each other.  Perhaps by coincidence only and certainly unbeknownst to me at the time, the Kitchel memo was declassified on 15 October 1993, exactly two days after I had hand-delivered complaints of judicial misconduct (93-8533 and 93-8534), which are relevant to the topic of this letter, to the Clerk of the United States Court of Appeals, 2nd Circuit, according to provisions set forth in the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980 (28 U.S.C.372(c)).  Whatever the case, the Kitchel memo establishes George H. W. Bush's whereabouts in Dallas the day Kennedy died and the next day, 23 November 1963, the day before the assassination of the accused, Lee Harvey Oswald.

After perusal of the Kitchel memo (see attached) obvious questions arise, which I believe explain why this memo remained hidden from certain investigators for three decades and from me for four decades.  Why did George H. W. Bush wait until after JFK was pronounced dead to inform on a Houston resident who allegedly was making threats against the president?  Why did Bush wait a day, until after JFK had visited Houston on 21 November, to pass this information to the FBI?  Why did Bush withhold potentially useful information known to him for weeks before JFK's trip to Texas and then reveal it to the FBI when it was too late to act upon?  Why did Bush fail to give a timely warning?  Will George H. W. Bush take the answers to these questions to the grave?  I hope not!

Bearing in mind that the Kitchel memo reveals Bush's need for confidentiality with respect to his untimely reporting of hearsay from a "source unknown" as well as his advice to the FBI to contact his colleagues at the Harris County Republican Party Headquarters for further information, I have concluded that Bush was establishing in his telephone contact with Kitchel a pretext for being in Dallas on the 22nd and 23rd of November 1963 so as to disguise a purpose entirely different than simply giving what we now know with benefit of hindsight to be useless information.  That entirely different purpose is revealed in the Hoover memo (see attached).

Written on 29 November 1963, one week after the JFK assassination and on the very day of the establishment of the Warren Commission by executive order, the Hoover memo ostensibly concerns itself with the reaction of the Cuban community in south Florida to the events of the previous week in Dallas.  Implicit in Hoover's words is the understanding that Oswald's pro-Castro public persona could potentially cause dangerous international ramifications with Cuba or Cuba's sponsor, the erstwhile Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

But let us delve into the matter of Oswald's pro-Castro public persona, which had the potential of not only setting off a nuclear war of mutually assured destruction, but also, as an inviting alternative according to the logic that prevailed at the time, of letting one man, taken from prison and from judgment, die so that others may live.  This pro-Castro public persona of Oswald was established at a press conference inside the Dallas Police Headquarters on the night of 22 November when Jack Ruby, who later shot and killed Oswald on 24 November, corrected Dallas District Attorney Henry Wade's assertion that Oswald was with the anti-Castro "Free Cuba" movement by telling him before assembled reporters from around the world that Oswald was with the pro-Castro "Fair Play for Cuba" movement, which Wade instantly accepted as though in deference to a higher authority.  (Ruby's correction of Wade's statement was recorded by news organizations and Ruby later recollected the event under direct questioning by Chief Justice Earl Warren on 7 June 1964 during a deposition taken in Dallas as per The Warren Commission Hearings, Volume 5, page 189.)  Thus this supposed "two bit gangster and minor trafficker in women and narcotics" established Oswald's pro-Castro public persona as accepted fact even though official investigations were barely under way that night and the mandate of the Warren Commission was still six days into the future.  Such is the provenance of Oswald's pro-Castro public persona.

Later, in 1968, New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison established that Oswald worked with anti-Castro groups within the intelligence community in New Orleans where he was "sheep-dipped" to take on the guise of a pro-Castro agitator.  Hence the false and misleading characterization of Oswald as pro-Castro, which was all too readily made available to the news media soon after his arrest.  Oswald insisted all along that he was a "patsy"; i.e., a person who is easily manipulated or victimized.  Oswald said "I never killed anybody" but never exercised his basic civil right to defend himself against false accusations in a court of law.

And so the day before Jack Ruby killed Oswald, when the airwaves were pulsing with Jack Ruby's pro-Castro spin on Oswald, United States Government officials had already essentially ratified Oswald's pro-Castro public persona by monitoring the Cuban exile community in south Florida for possible untoward reactions in the aftermath of the JFK assassination and reporting back their somewhat reassuring findings, which are memorialized in Hoover's memo, which concludes: "The substance of the foregoing information was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency and Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency on November 23, 1963, by Mr. W. T. Forsyth of this Bureau."  George H. W. Bush, not by his phone in his Houston office on 23 November 1963, was nevertheless readily available by phone or by personal visit because he had told Graham Kitchel that he would be staying at the Sheraton-Dallas Hotel on 22 and 23 November.  As the Hoover memo demonstrates, not only did the FBI know how to contact George H. W. Bush on the road, but the exchange of information between Mr. W. T. Forsyth and George H. W. Bush certainly had nothing to do with the ostensible reason for Bush's contact with the FBI the previous day; namely, a college student in Houston who according to sources unknown was shooting off his mouth about JFK in the weeks prior to JFK's visit to Texas.  This exchange of information was all about everybody getting the story straight.  Hoover, it seems, wanted everybody reading in unison from the same page; namely, the pro-Castro portrayal of Oswald as spun by Jack Ruby.  But did Hoover treat George H. W. Bush as a person with a need to know, or was it the other way around?

Chief Justice Rehnquist, at the start of this letter I asked you to focus on a very grave matter touching on the conduct of former president George H. W. Bush.  I thank you for having read thus far.  But now I would like to ask you to use your power as the highest judicial officer in these United States to investigate this matter with a view toward the administration of justice, the confirmation of historical truth, and the exercise of accountability on the part of a public servant.

To conclude, I also wish to go briefly into two areas of the JFK assassination which are not common knowledge but are nevertheless necessary to consider in order to reach sound conclusions. 

In this day and age when weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East are a big concern, a reopening of the JFK assassination investigation would be quite apt for the times.  Let me explain.  Elected in 1960, by 1961 JFK was locked in a bitter behind-the-scenes struggle with the Zionist state's Prime Minister David Ben Gurion over the Zionist state's nuclear weapons program that had been started at Dimona in the Negev in 1956.  This fact was brought to light more than three decades later, in 1991, with the publication of Seymour Hersh's The Samson Option, in chapter eight, "A Presidential Struggle."  JFK wanted to end the Zionist state's nuclear weapons program because he foresaw that such a program would only result in a regional arms race for countervailing weapons of mass destruction.  This very wise policy ended with his assassination, which enabled the Zionists to prevail in their determination to maintain the threat of nuclear weapons capability.  However, the cui bono? test has never been applied to the Zionist state in any official investigation of the JFK assassination.  But a highly intelligent and patriotically motivated researcher by the name of Michael Collins Piper has applied the cui bono? test to the Zionist state and the international web of conspiracy which he describes in detail in his book, Final Judgment: The Missing Link in the JFK Assassination Conspiracy, is indeed quite startling.  Michael Collins Piper has shined a light in some rather dark places.  In the name of peace and justice, I implore you, Chief Justice Rehnquist, to look at his work which I believe you will find compelling, for it may well be that deeply rooted treason and corruption have prevented a truly just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East, including a region from the Nile to the Euphrates rivers free from the threat of weapons of mass destruction.  (Piper's Final Judgment may be obtained at 888 699 6397.)

Finally, I note that the Talmudic law of the moser, or the law of the Jewish informer, is essentially a covenant prohibiting a Jew from informing on another Jew to a non-Jew, which is diametrically opposed to the adversarial process of our own legal system and therefore conducive toward obstruction of justice.  Furthermore, among employees at all levels in our intelligence and law enforcement communities, the law of the moser constitutes an impediment to frank and uninhibited exchanges of information in the discharge of their duties and therefore poses a threat to our national security.  I cannot overemphasize the great importance of this very real issue of the law of the moser, or law of the Jewish informer, the history of which you can read online at www.JewishEncyclopedia.com.  In my complaint of judicial misconduct docketed under Miscellaneous Number 01-0030 on 1 June 2001 by the Clerk of the United States Court of Appeals, 11th Circuit, I cite a living rabbi's more recent (1997) published article promulgating the law of the moser or law of the Jewish informer.  Again, this is a very real issue, not unlike the Mafioso code of omertà.  The Warren Commission was oblivious to it.  So was the 9/11 Commission.  We continue to ignore this issue at our national peril.  Let us address in a forthright manner this issue of the Talmudic law of the moser or law of the Jewish informer and its legal, national security and foreign policy implications.

Very truly yours,
Stephen M. St. John

Copy to:       Associate Justice John Paul Stevens
                     Associate Justice Sandra Day O'Connor
                     Associate Justice Antonin Scalia
                     Associate Justice Anthony M. Kennedy
                     Associate Justice David Hackett Souter
                     Associate Justice Clarence Thomas
                     Associate Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg
                     Associate Justice Stephen G. Breyer
                     Michael Collins Piper
                     Et al.

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Supplementary note to readers of this letter posted on the Internet:

The following two sections A & B show verbatim reproductions of the texts of the 29 November 1963 Hoover memo and the 22 November 1963 Kitchel memo.  The original copies show time stamps, routing designations, declassification stamps, signatures, handwritten initials  and the like, whereas the verbatim reproductions that follow show only the text.  Copies of the originals were attached to the letter mailed to Chief Justice Rehnquist.  Click here to view scanned copies of the originals.

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TEXT OF 29 NOVEMBER 1963 HOOVER FBI MEMO

A   ***Verbatim Reproduction of 29 November 1963 Hoover FBI Memo***

Date:          November 29, 1963
To:              Director
                   Bureau of Intelligence and Research
                   Department of State

From:          John Edgar Hoover, Director

Subject:   ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY           NOVEMBER 22, 1963

Our Miami, Florida, Office on November 23, 1963, advised that the Office of Coordinator of Cuban Affairs in Miami advised that the Department of State feels some misguided anti-Castro group might capitalize on the present situation and undertake an unauthorized raid against Cuba, believing that the assassination of President John F. Kennedy might herald a change in U. S. policy, which is not true.

Our sources and informants familiar with Cuban matters in the Miami area advise that the general feeling in the anti-Castro Cuban community is one of stunned disbelief and, even among those who did not entirely agree with the President's policy concerning Cuba, the feeling is that the President's death represents a great loss not only to the U. S. but to all of Latin America.  These sources know of no plans for unauthorized action against Cuba.

An informant who has furnished reliable information in the past and who is close to a small pro-Castro group in Miami has advised that these individuals are afraid that the assassination of the President may result in strong repressive measures being taken against them and, although pro-Castro in their feelings, regret the assassination.

The substance of the foregoing information was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency and Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency on November 23, 1963, by Mr. W. T. Forsyth of this Bureau.

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TEXT OF 22 NOVEMBER 1963 KITCHEL FBI MEMO

B   ***Verbatim Reproduction of 22 November 1963 Kitchel FBI Memo***

TO:       SAC, HOUSTON                             DATE: 11-22-63

FROM:     SA GRAHAM W. KITCHEL

SUBJECT:  UNKNOWN SUBJECT;
                     ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT
                    JOHN F. KENNEDY

At 1:45 p.m. Mr. GEORGE H. W. BUSH, President of the Zapata Off-Shore Drilling Company, Houston, Texas, residence 5525 Briar, Houston, telephonically furnished the following information to writer by long distance telephone call from Tyler, Texas.

BUSH stated that he wanted to be kept confidential but wanted to furnish hearsay that he recalled hearing in recent weeks, the day and source unknown.  He stated that one JAMES PARROTT has been talking of killing the President when he comes to Houston.

BUSH stated that PARROTT is possibly a student at the University of Houston and is active in political matters in this area.  He stated that he felt Mrs. FAWLEY, telephone number SU 2-5239, or ARLINE SMITH, telephone number JA 9-9194 of the Harris County Republican Party Headquarters would be able to furnish additional information regarding the identity of PARROTT.

BUSH stated that he was proceeding to Dallas, Texas, would remain in the Sheraton-Dallas Hotel and return to his residence on 11-23-63.  His office telephone number is CA 2-0395.

* * * * * * *

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RELATED CORRESPONDENCE

UPDATE 6 APRIL 2009
Text of fax broadcast:

WILL GEORGE H. W. BUSH CARRY SECRETS OF JFK ASSASSINATION TO HIS GRAVE?

6 APRIL 2009

NEW YORK, NEW YORK   *   6 APRIL 2009   Citizen of the USA Stephen M. St. John addresses the international community in Washington and here in New York City, all members of the US Congress as well as other organizations and individuals, public and private, and notes a sly manipulation of the historical record in the recently released book, Family of Secrets, by Russ Baker (New York, New York:  Bloomsbury Press, 2009).

On page 59 Baker asserts without any evidence whatsoever that George H. W. Bush, after  having flown back to Dallas from Tyler, Texas on the afternoon of 22 November 1963, "left again almost immediately on a commercial flight to Houston."  Such a ploy by an otherwise seemingly meticulous researcher is a dodgy way to steer readers from conclusions made in Citizen St. John's letter of 31 January 2005 to then Chief Justice of the United States William H. Rehnquist, copies of which were faxed to all members of the US Congress, some of whom gave interesting replies, with some signed by hand.  See http://www.show-the-house.com/id6.html.

There is no evidence that Bush did not stay overnight in Dallas on 22-23 November according to the advice he gave the FBI earlier that day.

As shown in the Letter to Rehnquist, both George H. W. Bush and Jack Ruby were engaged in the promulgation of Lee Harvey Oswald's false and misleading public persona as a pro-Castro agitator.

The implications of the Bush/Ruby spin on Oswald go to the heart of the matter, and Mr. Baker apparently doesn't want to go there, and finds it convenient to fabricate an alibi for Bush by saying without proof that Bush went home to Houston that Friday afternoon.

Lurking in the background, of course, is the CIA's then Chief of Counterintelligence and "Israel Desk," James Jesus Angleton, who opposed JFK's policy of a nuclear weapons free Middle East and also kept track of Oswald.

The Angleton/Eliot Same Man theory gives a quantum leap to our understanding of the JFK assassination and the Jewish state's nuclear weapons program.

Better understanding of history will best illuminate our future and support President Obama's call to eliminate WMDs worldwide.

Visit http://www.show-the-house.com/id35.html to buy historic Schlesinger letter, the first notable reference to the Angleton/Eliot Same Man Theory, which was later confirmed by former CIA Director Richard Helms in his autobiography.

Price:  $3,000,000.00  (20% off for nations under crippling sanctions; no discount for nations stronger despite sanctions)

Stephen M. St. John

Post Office Box 449
New York, New York 10185
(The contact information above is no longer in use.)
http://www.show-the-house.com/

* * * * * * *

cid:{93D94C6D-41B3-47E9-9CD4-3E97062CCD14}/BushJfkBookDepo2.jpg

Photo below shows the entrance of the Texas School Book Depository minutes after the assassination of US President John F. Kennedy.  At far left stands a man with a remarkable resemblance to George Herbert Walker Bush.  FBI agent Graham Kitchel alleges that Bush called from Tyler, Texas around this time.  Was Kitchel providing an alibi for Bush?  In the subsequent 24 hour period, Bush and Jack Ruby worked feverishly to portray the accused assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald, as a pro-Castro activist, when in fact he had worked with anti-Castro groups in New Orleans in the summer of 1963.

Is that young George H. W. Bush outside Texas School Book Depository right after the murder of JFK?

Shown below is a close-up of man who looks like George H. W. Bush outside the Texas School Book Depository minutes after the JFK assassination.  Superior WASP profile constitutes good grounds for interrogation of Bush, but even though this photo has circulated in the JFK assassination research community for decades, Bush may very well go to his grave without explaining his highly questionable activities in Dallas on 22 and 23 November 1963.  This is outrageous!

Again, is that young George H. W. Bush outside the Texas School Book Depository right after the murder of JFK?

UPDATE 17 September 2012

A reader wrote on 6 September 2012:

Dear Mr. St. John:

I have been re-reading Russ Baker's book...and your website...and have a question.

It appears that H.W. ("Poppy") Bush was, in fact, in Dallas the night before, and during the day of, the Kennedy assassination (note, particularly his photo in front of the TSBD). Yet, it appears that he was also in Tyler, Texas, in the middle of that day. There were witnesses to his attendance at the Tyler Kiwannis luncheon on that day, and there was the SUPPOSEDLY legitimate phone call to the Dallas FBI  office from Tyler (an apparent intelligence world "block and bridge" move, to cover himself). Did the Kiwannis people lie (and the phone records were fudged)?  Or did Bush--perhaps--witness the murder, grab a cup of java, then pop over to Tyler--via a private plane--to nicely establish an alibi?  Of course, there is also the silly letter by Barbara Bush.

Cordially,
XXXXX XXXXX

XXXXX XXXXX
Los Angeles

Here is my response:

XXXXX XXXXX

16 September 2012

Dear XXXXX XXXXX,

Thanks again for your email last week.  This is my reply to your “slightly more complete” version of your inquiry made on 6 September 2012.

First let me deal with the photo.  If you would please look more carefully where I posted this photo (www.show-the-house.com/id6.html) you will see that I clearly reference a George H. W. Bush (GHWB) look-a-like shown standing near the entrance of the Texas School Book Depository within minutes of the JFK assassination.  I for one do not make the positive identification of this GHWB look-a-like that you seem to make.  I do indicate on my webpage the urgent need to interview GHWB concerning this photo and the statements attributed to him in the Kitchel memo.  Of course if positive identification is made, then the Tyler scenario falls apart.

Now let me get to the other points raised in your query.  Where you refer to “H. W. (“Poppy”) Bush” I take it you mean George H. W. Bush, the former President of the United States.

You wrote, "It appears that H. W. ("Poppy") Bush was, in fact, in Dallas the night before, and during the day of, the Kennedy assassination."  I am not aware of any proof that GHWB was in Dallas the night before our president was slain.  Russ Baker makes the supposition that GHWB was in Dallas the night before.  He might be right.  But he offers no evidence whatsoever.  Worse, on top of this supposition he stacks another supposition; namely, that GHWB misled Kitchel about his intent to stay at the Sheraton-Dallas on Friday night (22 November) so as to sow confusion and hide for whatever reason his putative Thursday night (21 November) stay in Dallas.  (See page 59 of Russ Baker’s Family of Secrets)  This is a very far-fetched explanation and conclusion.

You also wrote of GHWB, "Yet, it appears that he was also in Tyler, Texas, in the middle of that day.  There were witnesses to his attendance at the Tyler Kiwannis luncheon on that day."  There are only two known witnesses to GHWB’s presence in Tyler when news of the murder of JFK broke, and only one of his being at the Kiwanis luncheon there.  GHWB’s wife Barbara recollects being in Tyler with her husband GHWB in her memoir. (See pages 59 and 60 of Barbara Bush:  A Memoir)  Barbara Bush does not mention Kiwanis at all.  We get that from Kitty Kelley, who interviewed the then vice-president of Kiwanis in Tyler, Aubrey Irby, on 11 September 2002, an anniversary day when protecting the Bush name could easily be conflated with defending our national security and sovereignty.  (See Kitty Kelley’s The Family, pages 212 and 213 and the notes for Chapter 12 on pages 646 and 647)  And since we know from the author Joseph McBride that in the mid-to-late 1980’s (well before the 1993 declassification of the Kitchel memo) GHWB and his staff lied repeatedly to him about GHWB’s whereabouts on 22 November 1963, and about the identity of the “George Bush of the CIA” mentioned by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover in his 29 November 1963 memo, Barbara Bush’s intimate association with GHWB and his staff makes her testimony in this matter worthless.  As you yourself wrote, "Of course, there is also the silly letter by Barbara Bush."  Indeed!

Where you wrote, "and there was the SUPPOSEDLY legitimate phone call to the Dallas FBI office from Tyler, an apparent intelligence world "block and bridge" move (to cover himself)," let me make one correction and three comments.  The call went to FBI agent Graham Kitchel in Houston, not Dallas.  One, I am not aware of any standard investigative procedures vis-à-vis phone records in this matter.  So here we can only speculate.  (Speculation can get as wild as Hoover’s having concocted a fake record of such a call to have a card to play against the CIA)  Two, we must remind ourselves that in 1963 nobody had heard of the Freedom of Information Act and therefore individuals engaged in a high level conspiracy could proceed with perfect confidence that their actions would be above and beyond scrutiny.  Three, the term “block and bridge,” which I first learned from Russ Baker’s 2009 book, has more to do with public relations or damage control after an unwelcome fact has already surfaced in the public domain than to clandestine arrangements made in a confidential call from an intelligence operative to an agent of the FBI.

Where you wrote, "Did the Kiwannis people lie (and the phone records were fudged?  Or did Bush--perhaps--witness the murder, grab a cup of java, then pop over to Tyler--via a private plane--to nicely establish an alibi?"  Let me repeat:  There are no “Kiwannis people” but just one Kiwanis person, Aubrey Irby.  There are only two known Tyler witnesses, Barbara Bush and Aubrey Irby.  Neither impresses me as a reliable witness, especially when phone records, Kiwanis records, hotel records, and airport flight records have not been checked to verify what these witnesses have said.

Here is my theory.  And I repeat the word “theory,” which must be ruled in or out.  GHWB was inside the Texas School Book Depository before, during and after the JFK assassination.  He was working from afar with CIA Counterintelligence Chief James Jesus Angleton, who maintained an active CIA file on Lee Harvey Oswald at the time.  GHWB was there to tie up the pay phone so that Oswald could not use it after the shots had been fired and he sensed betrayal.  Then after Oswald left the building GHWB made the call to FBI agent Kitchel in Houston.  The real message between the lines to Kitchel was to establish GHWB’s contact point that evening at the Sheraton Dallas Hotel.  Around this time GHWB may well have been the mystery person who made the call that first fingered and described Oswald.  For the rest of the day and into the night, GHWB was busy in his patrician way making sure the false and misleading public persona of Oswald would be established as fact.

According to Warren Commission Hearings depositions that I have read, Jack Ruby was also busy in Dallas where he was lining up sound-bite interviews of District Attorney Henry Wade by news media personnel whose friendship he had cultivated with white paper sacks of corned beef and pastrami sandwiches with pickles and celery flavored soda from the local deli.  At a late night press conference at Dallas Police Headquarters Ruby openly interrupted and contradicted District Attorney Henry Wade who had initially and correctly said that Oswald was associated with anti-Castro groups.  Wade immediately accepted Ruby’s blunt assertion that Oswald worked with a pro-Castro group as though Ruby was an acknowledged authority on the subject.  Of course GHWB was also heavily involved with anti-Castro groups.  And Hoover’s 29 November 1963 memo that mentions “George Bush of the CIA” dovetails nicely with this theme by indirectly ratifying Oswald’s false “pro-Castro” public persona.

Taking a step back in order to strive for objectivity and balance, the GHWB Dallas scenario greatly outweighs the Tyler scenario in importance.  Barbara Bush’s 2004 memoir rules out the GHWB Dallas scenario entirely.  So does Kitty Kelley in her 2004 book.  My 2005 letter to Chief Justice Rehnquist is the first attempt to “go there.”  Russ Baker’s 2009 book is the only known effort to “follow there,” but in a clumsy way that obfuscates.  He is deeply skeptical of Barbara Bush’s “Dearest Family” letter supposedly written on the day of the JFK assassination, yet he accepts her version of events describing Dallas as a brief stopover on the way back to Houston and not an overnight destination for her husband GHWB as explicitly stated in the Kitchel memo.  GHWB and Jack Ruby working in Dallas on Lee Harvey Oswald’s false public persona is a taboo subject because of its vast and dangerous implications.  Russ Baker is steering people in another direction, as though in concert with Barbara Bush and Kitty Kelley.

Here is Russ Baker’s definition of “block and bridge”:  In the art of propaganda, and in the daily business of public relations, a cardinal rule is that if a problem emerges, it must be managed immediately.  The trick is to quickly acknowledge and gain control of the new material, mitigating the damage by redirecting it in a beneficial way.  This is known in tradecraft as “block and bridge.”  (See page 52 of Russ Baker’s Family of Secrets)

The individual efforts of Barbara Bush (1994), Kitty Kelley (2004) and Russ Baker (2009) to handle the problem of the GHWB-in-Dallas scenario as per the 22 November 1963 Kitchel memo (declassified in 1993) all lack at least one element of Russ Baker’s definition of “block and bridge.”  On the other hand, and by way of contrast, and as a virtually unknown researcher and writer, the element of surprise has worked in my favor.  My 2005 letter to Chief Justice Rehnquist was, in the space of about three days, faxed to every member of Congress, both in the Senate and House, and at all their offices, both at home and in Washington.  It was also faxed to nearly every embassy in Washington and mission to the United Nations in New York, as well as many other individuals and institutions in the public and private sectors.  I’m sure this letter shocked people.  Yes, it was quickly forgotten.  But I’m on record, and Russ Baker’s book seems to me a weak attempt to refute my letter to Rehnquist without referring to it or naming me or otherwise acknowledging my unique and original and searching handing of the subject matter.

It was an important exercise for me to gather my thoughts on this long-neglected topic.  So I thank you for making this the opportunity to do so.  I don’t have all the answers.  My memory needs refreshing. But I am determined, if there is still time, to find these things out.

With thanks and kind regards,
Stephen M. St. John

Post Office Box 720274
San Jose, CA 95172
stephen@show-the-house.com

* * * * * * *

Fidel Castro Ruz,
Leader of the Cuban Revolution
C/o Mission of Cuba to the United Nations

Copy to US Senate Foreign Relations Committee et al.

10 February 2015,
San José, California, USA

Dear Leader of the Cuban Revolution,

Greetings from San José, California, from a private citizen of the USA who hopes that a thaw in relations between the USA and Cuba will be the occasion to complete some unfinished business regarding the assassination of our beloved president, John Fitzgerald Kennedy.

You will remember your having thrown Meyer Lansky and the Mafia out of Cuba at a time when Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, John Edgar Hoover, denied that the Mafia existed even as he met regularly with Frank Costello.  Frankly, Lansky had loyalty to the Zionist state, and JFK was adamantly opposed to the Zionist nuclear weapons program.  So Lansky’s motives went deeper than loss of casinos and a failed invasion.

My fellow Americans still boast of a free and open democracy, but in 1988, when they elected George H. W. Bush to be our president, they were totally in the dark about his presence in Dallas, Texas, on 22 November 1963, the day JFK was murdered!  Two FBI memos suggest why he was there.

An FBI memo dated that very sad and unforgettable day, which was declassified on 15 October 1993, finally revealed this important information about Bush when it could no longer be used to ascertain his suitability for our nation’s highest office.  George H. W. Bush was truly a stealth candidate!

Moreover, the declassification and release of this document (called the Kitchel FBI memo) was done very quietly, and thereby afforded Barbara Bush the opportunity to concoct an alibi for her husband that appears in her memoir published less than a year later in 1994.

This Barbara Bush “Dearest Family” alibi was notably missing six years earlier, in 1988, when presidential candidate George H. W. Bush and his staff used lies and evasions to fend off inquiries about his being the “George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency” mentioned by FBI Director John Edgar Hoover in his memo dated 29 November 1963.

Hoover’s memo strongly reinforces the false public persona of Lee Harvey Oswald as a “pro-Castro” provocateur.  It was Jack Ruby who first established this false public persona of Oswald at a press conference in Dallas on the night of 22 November 1963, and it was George H. W. Bush who, according to Hoover’s memo, was advised on this matter by the FBI the next day, 23 November 1963.  It was George H. W. Bush who had advised FBI agent Graham Kitchel earlier that day that he would be staying at the Dallas Sheraton Hotel on the 22nd and 23rd of November 1963, as we know from Kitchel’s memo of Bush’s call.

This Kitchel memo came to my attention in 2003, a whole decade after its declassification and release.  I first read about it on the Internet, then obtained my own copy by mail from the National Archives.  Even today, the vast majority of Americans remain ignorant about this memo and its vast implications.  Our “free” press refuses to inform them!

In 2005 I wrote an open letter to then Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist and his colleagues in which I expressed my concern about the handling of the Kitchel memo, and how it helps interpret Hoover’s memo, and how it might be evidence of framing Lee Harvey Oswald and of obstructing justice in the unsolved murder case of JFK.  A copy follows in this email.  Copies were sent by fax broadcast to every member of the US Congress, every embassy in Washington and every mission to the United Nations in New York City where I lived at the time.  Also, a copy of my letter to Chief Justice Rehnquist was published on my private website at http://www.show-the-house.com/id6.html.  Yet nothing was done despite replies from several US Senators.

And so a decade after my letter to Rehnquist, as you hear calls for a free and open democracy in Cuba, kindly let me suggest that you allay the fears of Senator Marco Rubio and his ilk, that the USA won’t get “anything in return” in a deal between Cuba and the USA, by calling for a free and open democracy in the USA.  In particular, a call for George H. W. Bush to address the nation concerning issues raised by the Kitchel and Hoover memos will help Americans face the future by illuminating past events that have set our nation way off course.

The USA must lead only as a sovereign equal among sovereign equals according to international law and treaty obligations.   Instead of dividing and conquering in order to impose a so-called new world order, the USA must look within for the root cause of its rampant full spectrum fraud and force.  Please raise your voice for truth and justice for JFK!

Very truly yours,
Stephen M. St. John

Post Office Box 720274
San José, CA 95172
Telephone:  NSA (no such accessory)
Email:  stephen@show-the-house.com
Email:  stephen.m.st.john@gmail.com

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Mr. John Ellis Bush
jeb@jeb.org

4 March 2015

Hello, Mr. Bush,
I tried contacting you back on 18 February 2015 as you can see below.  This morning I found on the CBS News website an article about your private email server which included the email address jeb@jeb.org.  So, I try again in the hope that you will answer.  My goal is to establish historical truth and pursue justice in the murder case of JFK, nothing more & nothing less.
Stephen M. St. John

*******

Mr. John Ellis Bush
jebbush@excelined.org

18 February 2015

Dear Mr. Bush,

Today’s news reports prompt me to contact you.  (I found the above email address on the Live Free or Die website.)  If indeed you are “my own man” with respect to your rather unique family background, let me challenge you by asking you to confront a major problem concerning your father and the official account of the JFK assassination.  Basically, what I am hoping to achieve is your father’s own answers from his own mouth to questions that arise from two declassified FBI memos.  The pertinent issues are raised in my recent letter to Fidel Castro Ruz, and in an earlier 2005 letter to then Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist, copies of which follow in this same email to you.  I thank you in advance for your attention to this matter and look forward to your response.

Very truly yours,
Stephen M. St. John

Post Office Box 720274
San José, CA 95172
Tel.:  NSA (No Such Accessory)
Email:  stephen@show-the-house.com

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Mr. Donald J. Trump
www.donaldjtrump.com/contact/

17 March 2016

Dear Mr. Trump,

Greetings from beautiful San José, California, and congratulations on your electoral victories in Florida, Illinois and North Carolina!

Your momentum is great, but you still need to put the war-mongering Establishment in its place.  Please let me suggest a course of action for you to take to achieve this objective.

There is still some unfinished business to take care of with regard to the 22 November 1963 assassination of our beloved President John FitzGerald Kennedy.  Two FBI memos strongly suggest that former president George Herbert Walker Bush was in Dallas on the night of 22-23 November 1963 where he worked with Jack Ruby to promote a false public persona of the accused “patsy” Lee Harvey Oswald.  Scans of these two FBI memos (dated 22 and 29 November 1963) are published on my private website at www.show-the-house.com/id46.html.  Also, my interpretation of these memos is spelled out in my January 2005 letter to then Chief Justice of the United States William H. Rehnquist, which is published at www.show-the-house.com/id6.html.

My letter mailed to Rehnquist and his colleagues was simultaneously faxed to every member of the United States Congress, both Senate and House, to every embassy in Washington, DC, and to every mission to the United Nations in New York, as well as to many other organizations and individuals, public and private, including the news media.  I had about twenty replies, including from Senators Obama of Illinois, Nelson of Nebraska and Graham of South Carolina, but in the end, all avenues for follow-up were blocked.  The reply from Obama was a letter from an assistant named Mason, but any hope for results soon faded.

Now it so happens that President Obama will soon visit Cuba; however, he will not meet with the man who has been falsely accused of being behind the JFK assassination, Fidel Castro.  All things considered, the timing would be perfect for you to use your incomparable media access to call for accountability directly from George Herbert Walker Bush regarding the above-mentioned FBI memos.  Bush has been riding in a protective bubble regarding these memos, and there is a conspiracy of silence about this very serious matter inside government and the news media.

In my opinion, Sir, you are that rare person who can openly call upon Bush to account for his actions and at the same time shame the two-party Establishment for its cover-up.  Most importantly, you can establish historic truth and maybe even pursue justice in the unsolved crime of murder of our president.  So, Mr. Trump, please lift your voice for JFK!  If I can be of further assistance in this matter, please contact me or have one of your representatives contact me at the email addresses below.

Very truly yours,
Stephen M. St. John

Stephen M. St. John
Post Office Box 720274
San José, CA 95172
Email:  stephen@show-the-house.com
Email:  Stephen.m.st.john@gmail.com
Telephone:  NSA (No Such Accessory)

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